Hamilton And The Whiskey Bovs

We arc «filtering on a r.Mht.r mysterious episode here:. On the morning nftcr this incident, a retired Revolu- -nonary major namud fames McFarlane rodt> up to. Ncvilk's h'.iust and beseiged it with a force of local Whiskey Kiiys. During the ni^htF n duren guardsmen from n tar by Fort Fayette h.id ruin forced Neville's slaves anJ servants, but a prolong axchange of I gunfire resulted presently in their surrender. Major McFarhne was the only rebel killed in this Drnney-br<«ik, Hie men claimed p.fterwnni that he was shot s| after the white flag went up over Neville's house. but this is undoubtedly just propaganda. The rebels found Neville nowhere around when they broke Into (he place: after looting his carpets, eight-day-clock : ■ and other dandified luxuries, they allowed all the prisoners to escape and went home smashed on NiivlUus whiskey.

McFarlane's funeral, of course, was the occasion for k some tearful martyr talk, i )ddly enough, the loudest mouth of all was thai of the Washington County ■ prosecutor, David Bradford. Invoking, passionate ; curses on "the murderers of McFarlane," Bradford called on every free citizen to resist tho tax with; "head, heart, hands and voice.1' At the conclusion of:: the obsequies, he announced a mass convention of the West Pennsylvania militia at Bradduck'a Field. In the i*ittsLurgh suburbs, for the next week. All ablo-bodied male« were to show up fully armed, with four v days'rations. ■ \

It was Ihe county fair of Revolutionary assemblies. Nearly 7,000 militiamen showed up, and there was; : plenty of good yld Munongahcla Corn going around. | There was lots of splendid loud gunfire, too: a mass J turkey shoot left a cloud of gunpowder that hung in % the humid Pennsylvania air all afternoon. Bradford. . naturally, was acchimed commander-in-chief by % enthusiastic voice vote: in a grand powder-blue uniform, mounted on a throat white gelding, hey trotted around waving his saber all afternoon, exe-fi' crating Pittsburgh as "a Second Sodom" and palling for its invasion forthwith. >' 4

The Whiskey Boys mover! out in the late afternoon. In a column twe and a half miles king, they st.iggurcij ; whooping into Pittsburgh, where the residents had already buried Ihe silverplatc and locked up thti " young ladies. Plank tables, tn fact, had been set up, I from wbich tho rebels were f<, 1 heaping plaits of hot venison, turkey, ham and bear, washed down with high-octane Pennsylvania hooch. The rebels extorted from the Pit !sburghers a pledge to expel the more . noted Federalists among them, anrl curled up contentedly in the storm drains and passed out. ■ f

'luan .a timer Huh Times. Dw./Jaitoli#S !s artist of being immoral.. Pliysicians and pharmacists dispensed habit-forming drugs with as free a hand as anyone. And so the air was rent with the cries of dope dealers denouncing the competition as deceivers and murderers.

This Punch and Judy show may have played indefinitely had (he agricultural chemists and iheir public relations arm, the muckraking journalists, not exposed the foul adulterating and packaging of food and the fraudulent practices of the patent medicine industry. On the ensuing wave of nausea, Congress passed the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906. In the long run the Act didn't seriously damage the nostrum makei-s-they grew larger and richer as manufacturers of "ethical" pharmaceuticals and over-the-counter remedies-but the exposure of their frauds made the public much more inclined to accept what physicians said about the evils of drugs. (As when in a poliiical campaign the revelation that one candidate is a receiver of bribes results in his rival being automatically credited with an honesty he frequently doesn't deserve.)

What doctoi-s thought they deseived was the exclusive prerogative to prescribe the drugs people used. Thai is, they believed they had the right and duty to decide what drugs were taken, why they were taken and when they were taken. To promote this view, a now-familiar alarm was sounded across the country. The availability of habiuforming drugs, cried the leading lights of the profession, threatens the American way of life. Well everyone knew that the while slave traffic, the black coke menace and the drug-inspired crime waves were a threat.. Yes, agreed the doctors

AlJanlti Georgian. Feb. 27. 1935

toteKVIEW WITH KErmSTROUP'THE i GHEAT WEED HOPE

stbuup: At first we didn't know how the hell to go.

about getting eij ual rights for the mat i juitia «noker. • We had a few resources, it wa^.siTft of a big country and they.were all, against us. The battles came when the Amorphia people started in California, about the same time we did.

They were trying le&do a very similar program, but perhaps aimed slightly more at the counterculture. i* We were' all friends ^t first; we got together and dismissed the possibilities of a freaklobby OttjBie left and a straight lobby on the right, Df course. N.MrmL would be the straight lobby tmd Amorphia the freak.

Hut there was a period of a year or so when it was 1 anything but friendly. It became dctfdiy competitive, : and finally it got to the point where not only did we

.not work together, but we v»sdd to try to do eacb other f ]

. ... ; ■ -'"f-; l high times: What were the disagreements between v 1

your group and the other-legalization groups?

sTROt'f: I used to publicly chastise the Amorphia j people for, practicing too thiiqh street theater. It 1

seemed to me that they were reinforcing- tfeie very 5

image NORML was trying to do away with-that of j the crazy freak in the street. But I .realize Amorphia; !

had every right to do this. Now, with someiiindsight, J

I see our conflicts as an inevitable fight for limited §

' v ""K \ hich times: Has NORML attempted-to form an alliance of the various groups? ^ ■'' ; 1

stroup: Most of the people who now work for ' j

NORML represent ¿actions of v^rtous organisations |

that have drpppiidby the wayside.: Our California \

contingent used to be Amorphia. Our New York { j group Wa» the Lawyers^ Cotnmittee to Legalize 1

Marijuana. What we have gradually idoyie is iricor- j porate into NORML all the groups from around the |

country that were doing serious work on the mari- j juana issue. 1 ' , I

AHhough all the early marijuflnn reform groups j talked about consolidating forces; no one was really. • 1

willing to give up the tur£ We all^re^d'the'rejini^t ^ |

be an advantage in having.a coiintercuituiSl icibby j a n d a straight lobby We figured' it rriigh IseB better,-^

But we .became competitive because, there wasn't }

much mpney avfiilahle-ybu couldn't keep the pfga-. f: i nization going juifess you gbt credit fpr;4ccbin$i8h- ]

ments, so we all/t ook a lotofcredit fori he s tightest i

: Iittle achievenjb'nt. Everyone was'stepping on e;)ch \

other's egosv." ■ . / j high times: NORML.now functions-a? a collect iyeof '% ]

50 "distinguished" Irtdividuals. including the nation- \

al advisory board. Isn't there'a danger that With so I

: many people in policy-making positions, diverse i •

view^int^e^ldpollMalK'erippie NORWL? {

! stbouk In the early stages I had- some honest con-; ;

, cerns about that -happening. But' now I'm quite ;

■ satisfied with NORML's overall makeup. I prefer it '.* J this way because It makes sense to have many people '

involved. Tlie collective structure is no longer a stumbling block. It's to our benefit to have a broader perspective.

high iimi-s: Was it your idea (o set up NOR ML as a collective?

sTRoiif: As NORML got Tolling, I got to know a group of young lawyers in New York and California, We became a coalition out of necessity and simple strategy. There were Guy Arcter and Frank. Fiora monli in New York and Gordon Browncll on the West Coast..

high time$: Why were young lawyers getting involved with the marijuana issue?

stroup: It was an era when law school graduates were inclined to do pu folic interest-type work, but by the time i got out of law school their was a tendency to look around for new minor issues. No one had stumbled onto grass. In different parts of the countiy a number of us got the same idea at the same tune. We never felt that wc were "bright young men."

high times: What arc the Washington tobacco lobbies doing about the coining decriminalization of grass?

stroup: Whatever they're doing, they're being very careful and very private about it. Ill bet that some of die last holdouts to approve any kind of legal marijuana will be those senators and representatives from the tobacco stales, The companies will hold us back as long as possible, and when they see they can't hold us back any further, they 11 jump in and try to get their corner of the nwket. , 1 hope High Tunes is going to be there to represent another aspect of that industry. And the government will certainly be in voived. The one faction with no one around to speak for it is the consumer. I think NOR ML has a really strong obligation to continue work on this issue until we make suic that some kind of regulated market is set up to protect the interests of the consumer.

high times* Is there any chance legalization may not happen at all?

stroup: I don't rule it out as a theoretical possibility since the smoking public's attitudes might turn sour toward the prospect of commercialism. I think you know I am veiy much against the idea of commercializing the marijuana market.. If consumer de mands for a low-key commercial exploitation aren't heeded, they might stop at decriminalization and say, "The hell with you, I'll glow my own," or "I'll buy it on the black market; I don't want to deal with you." But I think that!s unlikely. I think the more likely mute will be some kind of legalized marijuana.

high times WUI there be governmental controls if yon are successful?

stroup: Well, the only way you're going to get pot legalized is with some governmental control.. Personally I would favor no controls. An absolutely open market with no age controls, no street controls. That way we could avoid a lot of bureaucratic horscshit.. Unfortunately, wc arc dealing with a real political body, and the government will eventually control the market..

But I am most concerned about protective devices, Instead of putting its resources into arresting people who smoke. I want to sec the government put them into protecting people who smoke by providing grass that is pure, telling us how strong it is and giving us a choice of grass from different places. There are numerous things they can do to help us. They don't have to put eneigy into fucking us. The American government is now moving at an incredible rate for a government. . Terribly slow for what we want, but there has been more progress in the last six months than in the previous six years. 1 think that is going to continue.

T-iicH times: If NORML does continue to function, and legalization or decriminalization does come into effect, what do you foresee as your problems?

stroup: Mostly trying to avoid commercial exploitation.

high times: How will NORML combat the commer Gialization of marijuana?

stroup: To the extent that 1 have any say in it, 1 would like to see NORML become the consumer lobby for the grass issue. Coming into this as a product safety lawyer» 1 saw the marijuana issue as a consumer question, and I still see it that way. The consumers in this issue are the smokers, but we can't deal with their problems as long as we are in danger of being locked up. We are only now reaching the stalling point.. We're taking care of the gross incqui-ty-tbat the government arrests us, After legalization, I want to see a good market.. I'd like to have marijuana blends from a lot of countries. I'd like to have the same choice wine drinkers have. I'd like to have it pure. I'm sure High Times has developed some soil of scenario on its own.

A, Cratg Copetas and Michael Foldes Hi¿h Times, June 1976

Keith Stroup

"The other Greenwicli Village drug habil_ thai deeply outraged llie respectable was cigarette smoking. In 1921, it will be recalled, cigarettes were illegal in 14 slates and 92 amicigareite bills were pending in 28 stales. Smoking cigarettes in speak-easies and oilier public places was almost as alarming to some respectable members of society as engaging in non-mariial sexual encounters. Young women (Edna St. Vincent Millay among lliem) were expelled from college for smoking cigarettes mucli as in i lie 1960s young women were expelled for llie smoking of marijuana."

Edward M. Brecher and Ihe Editors of Consumer Reports

Licit (Ind Illicit Drugs. 1672

by not disagreeing, but the threat we speak of concerns "ordinary citizens," millions of whom are victims of the drug habit.. Put the drugs under our control and we'll, rid the land of this terrible scourge. Addiction is a disease, and we can cure it.

The most eloquent chanters of this litany were Opium Commissioner Dr. Hamilton Wright and Dr. Alexander Lambert, medical advisor to Theodore Roosevelt.. They assured the country they had an "infallible" cure developed by Chades Towns, but it didn't work any better than previous infallible cures. The good doctors couldn't cure addiction then any more than they can cure it now-methadone is nothing more than the replacement of one addiction with anolher-bul the Congress passed the Harrison Narcotics Act of 1914 and gave them control of drugs.

Most physicians simply went on doing what they had always done, dispensing drugs to anyone who could afford their fees. And being the only wheel in town, maintaining addicts was a lucrative business. This wasn't, however, what the Wright and Lambert faction had in mind when lobbying for the Harrison Act_ They were serious about curing addiction and, despite the evidence, believed they could cure it. And they gained enough public support for their position so that in 1919 the Supreme Court ruled that it wasn't permissible under the Harrison Act to maintain an addict...

Many doctors disagreed, especially those knowledgeable ones who strongly believed that drug maintenance was the only humane alternative for addicts who didn't respond to treatment, as most did noL But Lambert was elected president of the American Medical Association in 1919, and his antimaintenance stand became the organization's official position. Shortly after his election, two further Supreme Court rulings made it illegal for a physician to prescribe drugs to an addict even in Ihe course of

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